Mostrar mensagens com a etiqueta Afeganistão. Mostrar todas as mensagens
Mostrar mensagens com a etiqueta Afeganistão. Mostrar todas as mensagens

terça-feira, 26 de maio de 2026

A história da Afghan Girl

“Afghan Girl” (1984), de Steve McCurry

    Foi a capa da National Geographic em Junho de 1985. Mostra Sharbat Gula, uma rapariga pashtun então com 12 anos, que vivia no campo de Nasir Bagh (Peshawar, Paquistão) entre cerca de 100 mil refugiados afegãos. Com a intervenção da NATO no Afeganistão e afastamento dos Taliban, Sharbat Gula e outros refugiados voltaram ao seu país e o campo onde viviam fechou em 2002. Em 2021 a NATO retirou as forças militares do Afeganistão e os Taliban retomaram o poder. Com o regresso dos Taliban, a vida de Sharbat Gula foi ameaçada e ela teve novamente de sair do país. Vive em Itália desde então, outra vez como refugiada. Passados quarenta anos desta fotografia, as raparigas e mulheres afegãs ainda vivem hoje com graves limitações no acesso à educação, ao mercado de trabalho, e à liberdade de uma vida digna.

quinta-feira, 23 de dezembro de 2021

a importância de identificar o inimigo

 (publicado originalmente no Observador)



Os nomes das guerras costumam remeter para o sítio onde se combate, e aqueles que participam na guerra costumavam ser aqueles que estão no terreno e lutam nos campos de batalha. No entanto, tem havido guerras com outros tipos de nomes. Em 1945 George Orwell cunhou o nome “guerra fria” para descrever o tipo de relação que os EUA teriam com os países vizinhos por serem o único país com a bomba atómica. Como sabemos, a URSS e outros Estados rapidamente ganharam a sua capacidade nuclear e o mundo evoluiu para uma situação de tensão entre dois blocos concorrentes que recebeu precisamente esse nome – Guerra Fria – até à queda do Muro de Berlim e consequente esboroar do bloco soviético. Também o Presidente Lyndon Johnson chamou em 1964 às suas políticas públicas de “Guerra contra a Pobreza” (War on Poverty), George W. Bush declarou a “Guerra contra o Terrorismo” (Global War on Terrorism) em 2001 e, mais recentemente, temos ouvido vários líderes políticos a falar duma “Guerra contra a Pandemia”.

O problema destas denominações é que o inimigo se torna invisível, difuso, desfocado, múltiplo. Não se sabe bem quem é, ou sequer se é. Não é um inimigo palpável e com rosto. A alternativa não é arranjar um inimigo qualquer para dar sentido à nossa guerra, nem devemos atirar ao lado como alguém que diz que é preciso matar o homem branco, ou outros ainda para quem o grande problema são os ciganos. Esses bodes expiatórios servem para guerras que não são as nossas e, uma vez derrotados, o nosso problema persiste. Foi com simples distracções que nos entretivemos e, entretanto, não só perdemos tempo como eventualmente sacrificámos a paz de inocentes.

Muitas vezes, o politicamente correcto é simplesmente o correcto. Outras vezes, o politicamente correcto limita-nos a capacidade de identificar certeiramente aquilo e aqueles que combatemos. Voltemos a um problema nacional. A guerra no Afeganistão, também nossa porque envolveu 4500 militares portugueses — dois mortos em serviço — no âmbito da NATO, fez parte da Guerra contra o Terrorismo declarada pelos EUA cinco dias depois de sofrer os ataques de 11 de Setembro de 2001. Os atentados de 2001 e dos anos próximos tiveram um autor, a Al-Qaeda, e uma ideologia: o radicalismo islamista.

É claro que seria injusto culpar todo o Islão por causa duma franja minoritária e oportunista que apoia o terrorismo contra o Ocidente e o seu modo de vida. A maioria dos muçulmanos são tão pacíficos e normais como nós. No entanto, não podemos ignorar que os terroristas da Al-Qaeda, do ISIS, do Hezbollah e outros agem invocando motivos religiosos. Aqui, por complexos compreensíveis relacionados com o politicamente correcto, houve um esforço concertado para não relacionar aquela religião e os seus crentes com as ideias de radicalismo, terrorismo e violência. A meu ver, fizemos mal. Seria do nosso interesse e do interesse da maioria dos muçulmanos que tivéssemos juntado esforços para sinalizar os grupos, os líderes políticos e religiosos, as mesquitas e madraças que albergam as seitas ditas islâmicas mas que distorcem o Islão e instrumentalizam a fé dos homens e o nome de Deus para semear a violência e cometer crimes contra a humanidade.

Para além do mau nome que estes radicais dão ao Islão, a maior quantidade de mortos vítimas de atentados terroristas são… muçulmanos. Em vez de identificarmos o inimigo do terrorismo islamista e de o combatermos, cedemos primeiro ao politicamente correcto e depois cedemos também ao medo – sobretudo após os ataques a embaixadas dinamarquesas em 2005/6 por causa de caricaturas no Jyllands-Posten e o massacre do Charlie Hebdo em 2015.

Quando não identificamos o inimigo numa guerra, ele ganha uma vantagem desnecessária. Em sociedades democráticas como as nossas, os líderes têm contas a prestar para se manterem no poder e para continuarem a actuar. Quando a guerra é contra um inimigo vago e sem cara, quando após 20 anos já não sabemos o que fazemos numas montanhas longínquas e porque é que isso é tão importante para a nossa segurança e modo de vida, então a retirada é fatal e o sabor da derrota é amargo. Como já não compreendemos aquela guerra, ela torna-se aparentemente inútil e cara.

Queremos crer que os talibãs de hoje são melhores, mais moderados e humanistas que os de há 20 anos – mas as imagens e relatos mostram-nos o contrário. A Al-Qaeda continua, a Bin Laden sucedeu Al-Zawahiri e surgiu também um ISIS que semeia o terror até em Moçambique. Podemos pensar que ao sairmos do Afeganistão a guerra acabou, no entanto, o radicalismo islamista persiste como inimigo violento, perigoso e próximo. Devemos seguir a nossa vida sem a mudar, mas, se formos confrontados novamente com este inimigo, só ganhamos em identificá-lo melhor.

Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović

(publicado originalmente na revista Think South Asia em 2012 e depois no Jacaré em 2018)


Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović saúda Luka Modrić, E. Macron aplaude

Dois dos temas mais quentes desta semana foram a efusividade e boa figura da Presidente da Croácia a apoiar a selecção finalista do Campeonato Mundial de Futebol na Rússia e a cimeira da NATO em Bruxelas. À primeira vista os assuntos nada têm que ver, mas para mim sim. Em 2012/13 eu editava uma revista de relações internacionais que fundei, a Think South Asia magazine, que saía em versão digital e também circulava em formato impresso nos meandros políticos e diplomáticos de Bruxelas. Nesses anos, em visitas que fiz à NATO, tive o privilégio de conhecer e entrevistar a senhora embaixadora Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović que na altura era a “NATO Assistant Secretary General for Public Diplomacy” até se tornar a Presidente da Croácia em 2015, função que brilhantemente tem desempenhado até hoje. Antes disso já tinha sido Embaixadora da Croácia nos EUA e Ministra dos Negócios Estrangeiros. É fluente em Português, católica e tendencialmente conservadora. Aqui fica o registo duma pequena entrevista que lhe fiz em 2012 acerca do envolvimento da NATO no Afeganistão:


António Vieira da Cruz (AVC): How do you see 9/11 in 2012 from the NATO perspective?

Ambassador Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović (KGK): The attacks of September 11, 2001 were not only against the United States, but against the principles and values shared by a global community of democratic nations. Eleven years after these attacks, the commitment to the principles and values of the North Atlantic Alliance is firm, and our sense of solidarity and unity remains strong. Since the events of 9-11, working together and with partner nations around the world, the members of the Alliance have taken wide-ranging measures that ensure, collectively, we now face the future better prepared.

AVC: What has been the impact of NATO’s mission in Afghanistan, in particular with respect to a military presence in South Asia?

KGK: NATO’s primary objective in Afghanistan is to enable the Afghan authorities to provide effective security to ensure the country can never again be a safe haven for terrorists. The nations that make up the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) continue to work shoulder-to-shoulder - shona-ba-shona – with Afghan National Security Forces, building a more secure, stable future for the people of Afghanistan. In the eleven years of this partnership, the lives of the Afghan people have improved in terms of security, access to education and health care, economic opportunity and the assurance of rights and freedoms. The task is not yet complete, but Afghanistan’s self-reliance grows stronger each day. In light of the progress over the last 11 years, and building on our firm and shared commitment, we are confident that our strong partnership will lead towards a better future. Regional security, stability and development are interlinked, and a secure and stable Afghanistan is critical for a secure and stable South Asia.

AVC: How do you foresee NATO’s continued engagement with Afghanistan after the withdrawal of troops?

KGK: As the Chicago Summit Declaration stated in May 2012, Afghanistan will not stand alone. NATO’s commitment to Afghanistan is firm. At the Lisbon Summit in 2010, NATO and the Government of Afghanistan signed the Enduring Partnership Declaration, and at the Chicago Summit in 2012, NATO Allies, along with ISAF partners, built on this commitment to provide the Afghan national security forces with the necessary training, advising and assistance moving forward that they need to fulfil their duties. NATO and the Afghan Government have a clear road map through this Transition process, by which full security responsibility for Afghanistan is gradually transitioned from ISAF to the Afghan government. After 2014, the Alliance has committed to providing strong and long-term political and practical support through our Enduring Partnership with Afghanistan.

AVC: What are the current hopes and dreams for the future of NATO?

KGK: At the Chicago Summit, the Heads of State and Government of the member countries of the Alliance recommitted to the core values of NATO, as defined in the Strategic Concept, as the transatlantic framework for strong collective defence, and the essential forum for security consultations and decisions among Allies. NATO has three essential core tasks – collective defence, crisis management, and cooperative security – all of which contribute to safeguarding Alliance members. With the strong partnership of, and dialogue with, nations around the world, the Alliance’s work remains at the forefront of security: From fighting piracy off the Horn of Africa, to efforts in improving cyber defence, to our commitment in supporting United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 on Women, Peace and Security, and UNSCR 1612 and related Resolutions on the protection of children affected by armed conflict. The Alliance is also looking to emerging challenges, and the requirement that we must make best use of our resources and to continue to adapt our forces and structures. We remain committed to our common values, and are determined to ensure NATO’s ability to meet any challenges to our shared security.

terça-feira, 24 de setembro de 2013

o meu último editorial na revista Think South Asia

Deixo aqui o último editorial que escrevi na revista Think South Asia enquanto Editor. As próximas edições da revista ficam muito bem entregues ao alemão Djan Sauerborn, da Universidade de Heidelberg:
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Think South Asia #09
As this is a summer special edition of Think South Asia, we suggest a travel by some of the South Asian countries, as the Maldives, India, Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Nepal. As I am moving to new projects, this is also my last edition as editor but, before I get there, let me call your attention for the contents you can find in the next pages: an article about the rising religious extremism in the Maldives by the future editor of Think South Asia, Mr Djan Sauerborn; a very good business profile of the Indian building market, by the civil engineer Mr Pedro Baptista Pinto; and an informative update of the situation in Nepal, by Mr Narayan Guimire.

Then, we have an outstanding article about the 1971 genocide in Bangladesh “Our conscience in an Iron Cage” and its consequences, from our esteemed adviser, Dr M. A. Hasan from Bangladesh. You should not miss his article for several reasons: Dr Hasan is well-known as a fighter for independence, as a physician, as a scientist, as a philosopher, as a poet, as a human rights activist and much more. From Afghanistan we received and publish a very important article about “eliminating prejudices in school curricula and materials”, by our well known Doctor Massouda Jalal, who is a former Minister of Women’ Affairs in Afghanistan and currently working on women rights as Head of the Jalal Foundation.

Last but not least, we interviewed the Executive Director of the South Asia Democratic Forum, Mr Paulo Casaca. He made some very important statements we should write on the rock for future memories:

• “We are now in a global era with much more powerful destruction devices than the ones we had some decades ago.”
• “In order to prevent a catastrophic scenario it is absolutely imperative to stop terrorism, especially the export of terrorism.”
• “Europe learned the hard way that cooperation is the only way to succeed.”
• “The full respect of cultures, languages and histories within Southern Asia and the full understanding of the values of co-operation, respect and tolerance is the only way to overcome existing conflicts rooted in the region.”
• “The European Union should stop to appease totalitarian ideologies.”

Malala Yousafzai, @United Nations HQ, New York - USA
Mr Paulo Casaca also makes some questions and recommendations, and remembers the young 16 years old Pakistani girl Malala Yousafzai, who on the 12th of July made a remarkable speech in the United Nations. She quoted Mohamed, Jesus Christ, Buddha, and Martin Luther King, Nelson Mandela, Mohammed Ali Jinnah, Gandhi, Bacha Khan and Mother Teresa. She quoted them to ask for the right of every child, boys and girls, to education. As Malala said, “education is the only solution.” We fully support this idea that you can see developed in Doctor Jalal’s above mentioned article.

Finally, I must say it is with mixed feelings of nostalgia and confidence that I write my last Editorial here. On one hand, there is nostalgia for this fantastic year of 2012/2013, which was the beginning of this beautiful project called Think South Asia. Wonderful moments of discovery and big debates happened in this platform between very important politicians, distinguished diplomats, eminent academics and representatives of NGO’s. This fruitful debate constantly informed all those who read and make this magazine each month: policy makers in Europe, North-America and South Asia, our dear general readers all over the world, esteemed authors and, of course, myself. I learned a lot with you about South Asia, Europe, politics, business and culture. I was also able to receive lots of congratulation notes and critics for the quality of this magazine, but in fact the credits are all to be shared between the guest contributors who made from this magazine a successful reference among the periodic publications about South Asia, and you, dear reader, because as you know, this magazine is specially made for you. My deep thanks to all the guests who wrote, were interviewed or contributed in other ways for the success of this magazine. But I must personally thank to Mr Paulo Casaca from the South Asia Democratic Forum (www.sadf.eu) for all the invaluable support and expertise he gave to this project; and also to Mr Hugo Almeida and Mr Diogo Alves from Popular Jump (www.popularjump.com), who were the responsible for this fantastic design you are used to see here.

On the other hand, I would like to leave here a word of trust and confidence. I am very much confident than my successor as Editor will keep improving the Think South Asia magazine and letting it reach more and more people. I hereby present to you Mr Djan Sauerborn, who is writing here for the second time about the situation in the Maldives (for his first article, please check the October 2012 edition). Mr Sauerborn is an expert on South Asia from the University of Heidelberg, and so he is the right captain to take this ship into deeper waters and discover new horizons. The Think South Asia magazine is in very good hands and I whish all the best to Mr Djan Sauerborn in this endeavour. I am sure we will keep and develop this contact and cooperation, so that we can always Think (in, about and with) South Asia.

Thank you very much!
And feel free to contact me:

terça-feira, 4 de junho de 2013

olhando para o Butão e outros assuntos da Ásia do Sul


Editorial que escrevi no oitavo número da revista Think South Asia:
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The King of Bhutan - Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck
It is now time for us to look at Bhutan. Bhutan is a mountainous country comparable to the size of Switzerland, but with around 730 thousand inhabitants and landlocked between India and Tibet, which as we know is ruled by the Chinese. On the date of this edition we are between 2 rounds of parliamentary elections in Bhutan, being a special moment to analyse this fascinating country. Also another issue for which Bhutan is well known is the Gross National Happiness index (GNH), and we are thinking about it as well.

In this issue of Think South Asia magazine we have very prestigious contributions indeed. First of all, a detailed country profile of Bhutan done by the South Asia Democratic Forum fellow Mr Marian Gallenkamp, who is a knowledgeable expert on this country. Dr Siegfried O. Wolf from the University of Heidelberg dedicates his usual column to an analysis of the Bhutanese elections. The EU Delegate of The Family Watch, Mr Antoine Mellado, writes about development and the Gross National Happiness Index of Bhutan and its parameters. Then, 3 promising and talented ladies from Bangladesh honour us with their inputs: Ms Sheikh Nishat Nazmi is a Social Psychology Counsellor and brings to us a very interesting picture of the Families in South Asia in general, Bangladesh in particular; Mst Sabikun Naher from the University of Dhaka writes about the Bangladesh-Bhutan commercial relations and comparative advantages of both countries; and last but not least, Ms Janina Islam Abir also from the University of Dhaka tell us about the Shahbag Movement, making a very comprehensive and deep analysis of this historical phenomena occurring nowadays in Bangladesh, which we should know better and follow closely.

BNG Ambassador - Ismat Jahan
Now I am privileged to present: 2 interviews, 2 Ambassadors, 2 good friends of South Asia: Her Excellency Mrs Ismat Jahan from Bangladesh, and His Excellency Mr Jan Deboutte from Belgium. Both perspectives – South Asian and European – should be appreciated attentively, so that no drop of wisdom escapes from our readings. Without any previous agreement, both ambassadors showed to be fantastic builders of cultural bridges: while Mr Ambassador Deboutte finds a link between the Bhutanese Gross National Happiness and the Greek classical philosophy, Mrs Ambassador Jahan quotes the first non European Nobel Prize of Literature winner, the Bengali Rabindranath Tagore (1913), proving that his poetry and art could be an inspiration to South Asians, Europeans and everybody in this planet.

Regarding the peace prospects in Kashmir, we have an attention call article from the Executive Director of South Asia Democratic Forum. Mr Paulo Casaca writes about the murder of Mr Arif Shahid, one of the most important figures of Pakistan’s Kashmiri independence movement, and its worrying consequences to the peace in Kashmir.

On the 14th of May there were also elections in Pakistan, where the people expressed the will to have Mr Nawaz Sharif as Prime Minister for the 3rd time in the country’s History. The South Asia Institute of the University of Heidelberg and the South Asia Democratic Forum organised a conference to discuss these elections and in the European Parliament of Brussels. This event resulted in a high-level briefing done by a prestigious set of experts to European policy-makers. You can check their conclusions in the end of the magazine. From the Think South Asia editorial side, I would like to wish to President Sharif all the success, hoping that peace, stability and better living conditions can be achieved in Pakistan with respect to Human Rights and the Rule of Law.

From Bangladesh we received sad news on the last 24th of April, when the Rana Plaza complex collapsed provoking the death of 1129 people. This makes us ask: In a country where the perpetrators of the 1971 genocide (which killed more than 3 million people) were not brought to justice and several other public crimes occurred, like the assassination of President Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, how can we expect that people have care while planning a building? This is why it was important to welcome in Brussels the Bangladeshi Minister of Foreign Affairs, Doctor Dipu Moni. Mrs Moni said that in Bangladesh “the culture of impunity is ending” and the government will do its best to ensure labour safety and rights in the country. We must applaud her courageous statement and support the Bangladeshi authorities in the reinforcement of security and the rule of law.

After some Chinese troops crossed the line of control in Ladakh (Kashmir) in April, I was surprised to see the European Parliament discussing on the 23rd of May the February execution of Mohammad Afzal Guru in Delhi. As I said the Think South Asia 6th edition in February, I personally am against death penalty, but this does not mean supporting impunity. Mr Guru was proven to be associated with the terrorist groups Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Mohammed, and participated in the 2001 attack against the Indian Parliament, killing 7 people and injuring 15. Of course the European Parliament could make the case of banning death penalty in the world... but this case of Mr Guru is far from being the best flag to pick, not to say that it probably sends a wrong message to the international community, as if the EU is supporting impunity for terrorists. I think this is not the case, or at least it shouldn’t.

Two days after this debate in Strasbourg, on the Saturday the 25th of May another terrorist attack happened in the State of Chhattisgarh in India, this time organised by the Naxalite-Maoists. The attackers killed 27 people, amongst them some senior political leaders mainly from the Indian National Congress party. The Naxalite-Maoist insurgency killed already approximately 12 thousand people since its start in 1980 and the Indian police believes it has ties with the above mentioned Lashkar-e-Taiba, as well as with the ISI (intelligence agency also from Pakistan), and their training camps are mainly located in Pakistan, China and Burma.

Finally some good news from Afghanistan. As you can see in the latest document of Reporters Without Frontiers, no journalists were killed in 2012 and arrests of media workers declined. Nevertheless, violence against journalists did not disappear completely. Also, since NATO will withdraw most of the troops from Afghanistan next year and Taliban are expected to return to the country, there are legitimate doubts if this betterment of conditions for the media in Afghanistan is not precarious.

The Taktshang Monastery, in Bhutan
Bhutan also gives us positive news. Bhutan ranks 1st among the South Asian countries for freedom of the press, and the 82nd in the World Press Freedom Index. More concerns should be raised to the situation in the Maldives and in Sri Lanka. Although still preserving an orange colour on the map, the Maldives fell 30 positions in the index due to violence and threats against journalists after the coup d’état in March 2012. Regarding Sri Lanka, it still is the last one of South Asia on the list, ranking number 162nd in the world, three positions below Pakistan (159th).

South Asia as a whole got worse for journalists in 2012, and something should be done about this. However these are sad news, we should put them in perspective. South Asian countries scored considerably better than its neighbour countries:
  • Tajikistan and Burma appear in a red colour with a “difficult situation” for journalists
  • Uzbekistan, China, Iran and Turkmenistan in black with a “very serious situation”


To sum up, reasons are not scarce to give a careful look to this edition of the Think South Asia magazine, because in the next editions there will be some changes and surprises. Meanwhile, any articles for submission, comments or critics are very much welcome in: antonio@sadf.eu

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Publicado no site do South Asia Democratic Forum: www.sadf.eu
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/SouthAsiaDemocraticForum

Para fazer o download da revista Think South Asia 08: http://sadf.eu/home/wp-content/uploads/2013/06/thinksouthasia08.pdf

sábado, 30 de março de 2013

haverá alguma solução pacífica para o Paquistão?



Editorial que escrevi no sétimo número da revista Think South Asia:
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In this edition we will put the focus on Pakistan, a country with more than 180 million people, being the 6th most populous country in the world. We could roughly say that the story of Pakistan was marked by two partitions: the partition of India in 1947 and its own partition in 1971. But as History is more complex than that, we are dedicating this edition of Think South Asia magazine to Pakistan.

In the case of this country, etymology says a lot of its early history. The word “Pakistan” did not exist before 1933, when it was coined by the Muslim nationalist Mr Choudhry Rahmat Ali who, with other intellectuals, wanted to create a separate Muslim homeland in South Asia. According to scholars, the name has its origins in the acronym PAKSTAN, which results from Punjab + Afghani territories + Kashmir + Sindh + Baluchistan. An “i” was introduced amidst for reasons of pronunciation and the word resulting from this mix, “Pakistan”, was given to the new country in 1947. This very same word has also a meaning in Urdu and Persian languages: “land of the pure” or “land of the clean”.

So the country was founded by Muhammad Ali Jinnah in 1947, at the same time as India was founded by Jawaharlal Nehru. Both were influenced by Mahatma Gandhi and the 3 of them were fundamental for the independence of South Asian countries from the British. I write this raw background because after speaking with dozens of people about Pakistan, I saw literally everybody, both Islamists and Secularists quoting Jinnah for their advantage. Part of the problem is this: Jinnah had probably a clear vision about Pakistan, but he expressed it in such an ambiguous manner that this brought many consequences and questions until today. It is hard to find what the founder really meant for Pakistan, if a Muslim State or a State for Muslims.

The partition of India had serious problems because the idea was to give to Pakistan the Muslim-majority territories. Nevertheless, the borders were not clear at all and issues like Kashmir are yet today to be solved, with loss to the India/Pakistan relations.

Another problem was the creation of East Pakistan (now Bangladesh), which had a different culture and language from West Pakistan (the actual Pakistan). This generated many problems related to national identity and, in 1971, East Pakistan became independent with the help of India, and it is now the country known as Bangladesh. As a result of severe crimes against humanity, Bangladesh is now committed to punish the genocide criminals of 1971 through the International Crimes Tribunal in Dhaka. This is generating nowadays something we never saw in history: the Shahbag movement consists in the biggest set of protests against Muslim extremism in a Muslim-majority country. We should be interested in following these manifestations closely.

Internally, Pakistan also faces some important challenges. The way the “land of the clean” authorities’ deal with religious and ethnical minorities is far from being the most appropriate. You can find an article by Mr Wilson Chowdhry from the British Pakistani Christian Association where he points out clear cases of Minority Rights abuses and Human Rights violations that currently occur in Pakistan. This article is just the summary of a 500 pages report he recently launched in the House of Commons (Westminster, London), named “The Targeting of ‘Minority Others’ in Pakistan”. If you are interested in more details, I strongly advise you to search and read it.

The Blasphemy Law is perhaps the most symbolic issue for the Christians in Pakistan and Mrs Asia Bibi, who still is in jail and sentenced to death, is with no doubts their emblem. To see the importance of this issue, the Minister for Minorities Affairs Shahbaz Bhatti (Christian) and the Governor of Punjab Salman Taseer (Muslim) were both killed because they supported Asia Bibi and were against the Blasphemy Law. Another issue of concern is Education, as we saw by what happened to the young Malala Yousafzai, or by analysing the hate-oriented official textbooks promoted by the government. Other cases exist, but Asia Bibi and Malala are perhaps the most well-known to the international community.

Concerning terrorism, the position of Pakistan is not better. In the beginning, Pakistan seemed to be an ally of the West against the Taliban, Al-Qaeda and other terrorist groups. But soon we discovered they were not serious allies in the “war on terror”, when the Pakistani intelligence agencies kept the support to the Taliban, protected terrorist groups like the Haqqani network and Lashkar-i-Islam, or even when the authorities harboured the criminal Osama Bin Laden near a military complex in the city of Abbottabad. Regarding this, no one was jailed for helping Bin Laden to hide; the only person in prison is the physician Mr Shakil Afridi, who was accused of treason for cooperating with the CIA in finding Osama Bin Laden, and therefore tortured and sentenced to 33 years of imprisonment.

This problematic attitude of Pakistan towards terrorism is reflected in the most recent position of Afghanistan in its peace process. The Afghani Deputy Foreign Minister Jawed Ludin said on the 27th of March 2013 that “Afghanistan is shocked by Pakistan's complacency in the nascent Afghan peace process and is ready to work without Islamabad's help on reconciliation”. Yet regarding Afghanistan, we publish in this edition a very strong message from the former Afghani Minister of Women’s Affairs Doctor Massouda Jalal, on the occasion of the International Women’s Day.

Well Afghanistan controls territories which in the past belonged to Baluchistan, a nation nowadays divided by Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan. The majority of the Baluchi people are in the Pakistani controlled side of the nation and they never gave up their struggle for freedom. The response from the Pakistani authorities is vehement and is becoming more violent, being now known as the Pakistani “kill and dump policy”.


In Baluchistan the Chinese are building and exploring the port of Gwadar, which is geopolitically important for several reasons Dr Siegfried Wolf from the Heidelberg University explains in his interesting article. Because of its rivalry and disputes with India, China is a natural ally of Pakistan. The Chinese are active in the whole of South Asia, investing not only in Gwadar, but also in Tricomalee in Sri Lanka, funding the Maoists in Nepal, illegally occupying lands in northern Bhutan, supporting the coup d’état in the Maldives... so we cannot exclude China from the South Asian equation.

The official response of the Pakistani authorities to Human Rights complaints is that the government “supports the minorities”, agrees and condemns the Human Rights abuses, and finally promises to take action “against culprits” and “external forces”. Contrastingly, the victims usually say the government is in “state of denial”.

In fact, it seems that government’s role in the country is limited. All the testimonies and experts on the country say that the Military and the Intelligence Agencies (the most famous is ISI, but there are several others) are the ones truly ruling the country, and governments are almost meaningless. The Islamic extremism is transversal to all these institutions. No one answered me so long who is ultimately controlling the country. No one knows. Perhaps at the end it is not one person controlling it, but several Islamists and not necessarily only in the top of the hierarchy. This is worrying when we think that Pakistan is a nuclear State.

One must think if the aid money we (the USA and the EU) continuously give to Pakistan to fight terrorism and promote Human Rights, Women’s Rights, Education, Civil Society Empowerment and many other development goals is being really well spent. We must be sure that these funds are helping those who really need and not being spent in the destabilisation of this already sensible region.

Regional cooperation in South Asia is not possible while these issues of terrorism, extremist education (in some madrasas and in public schools) and Human Rights abuses are not seriously tackled. Pakistan is a very important country in the region and the implementation of the rule of law and granted respect for the Universal Declaration of Human Rights will benefit everybody regionally, beginning in Pakistan itself.

A critic should also propose solutions; nevertheless, I must leave here a simpler desire. I firmly hope that the Pakistani people could find in themselves the ability and strength enough to draw their own path of peace and respect for the Human Right of every single person.

These are some personal notes on Pakistan, but to know more about this fascinating country, nothing is better than taking a look to our country profile wonderfully written by Mst Sabikun Naher from the University of Dhaka.

Finally, I believe it is crucial to address two big issues in South Asia in general: water and corruption. Regarding water, we welcome the perspective of Mr João Moreira Pires, expert from Less Means More, writing on waste-water management as a development indicator. On the problem of corruption, the best is to return to the classics and read “Arthashastra” from Kautilya (also known as Chanakya or Vishnu Gupta). He says:

Just as fish moving under water cannot possibly be found out either as drinking or not drinking water, so government servants employed in the government work cannot be found out (while) taking money (for themselves).

These words written in the 4th century b.C. during the Mauryan Empire could not be more valid today.

With special thanks to Manuel C.C.V.C., who helped me with the photos, this edition is dedicated to the Pakistani Christians and other minorities who suffer in life what we usually remember in this Lent and Easter season. Enjoy the readings and please do not hesitate to send your suggestions to the email antonio@sadf.eu

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Publicado no site do South Asia Democratic Forum: www.sadf.eu

Índia pode liderar cooperação na Ásia do Sul


Editorial que escrevi no quinto número da revista Think South Asia, que edito com o apoio do South Asia Democratic Forum, apresentando a Índia como um país de oportunidades e futuro:
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Imagine the overall population of Europe and the Americas, all put together. Have you imagined that already? Well believe it or not South Asia, as a region, has even more people than that, which is reason enough to pay attention to its development and potentials. The western countries seem to be obsessed with the financial and economic crisis, but on the other side of the world there is a new land of opportunities asking for support and economic cooperation. Five hundred years after Vasco da Gama and seven hundred years after Marco Polo, we must peacefully rediscover the Indian Ocean and the trade opportunities within the SAARC countries that could help us in leaving the crisis behind. This time, the focus of Think South Asia is on India. It seems paradoxical to put the focus on such a big country, and maybe it is. We will certainly have to come back to Indian issues, perhaps analysing them through the smaller realities at the state-level. But this time we analyse India as a whole, and we try also to see it in the international context.

One of the things that always impresses me is how this huge country with so many different people and potential tensions could be maintained and is growing with the institutional framework of a stable liberal democracy. Professor Subrata Mitra, whose reputation and authority on this issue is well-known, gives us an interesting perspective in his interview. For editorial reasons it will be published in two parts: this one here, and the second in our next issue of Think South Asia in January 2013.

This issue we have a small country profile of India, where we can check out the basic facts about the nation. The Executive Director of the South Asia Democratic Forum, Mr Paulo Casaca, goes further and analyses with precision the main issues around the Free Trade Agreement between the European Union and India.

Regarding India’s relations, we have a piece on this topic from Ms Cátia Rodrigues (Policy Adviser in South Asia Democratic Forum) making reference to India’s relations with China, while Dr Siegfried Wolf from Heidelberg University writes about India’s relations with Pakistan after the last terrorist attack in Mumbai. Also concerning China there is a very interesting article from Mr Marco Rossi, who calls our attention to Chinese interests and movements in South Asia.

In the spotlight we have Doctor Massouda Jalal quoting C. S. Lewis with a very eloquent message about Afghanistan, analysing the situation deeply and also making recommendations to fix what is broken. The way Doctor Jalal begins could not be clearer: “democracy and talibanism cannot co-exist because they are antithetical to one another. (...) Thus, to assume that Taliban will embrace peace is an unforgivable mistake.”

Following Doctor Jalal’s article, we have a short interview with Ms Cláudia Pera, who works as the administrative manager of South Asia Democratic Forum, giving her thoughts on women’s issues and her
experience while accompanying Doctor Jalal is her last visit to Europe. Ms Pera sets out the scenario in quite a comprehensive way I’m sure you will agree.

The issue of indigenous people’s rights and their protection through the rule of law is very well explained by Mr S. M. Hasan from the University of Dhaka in Bangladesh. Finally, we have Professor Wolfgang Peter Zingel alerting us on the issue of food security in South Asia and the concrete need for a deeper regional cooperation.

We hope you enjoy this edition of Think South Asia and we wish you a joyful season, especially for your children, who are the ones giving us the most complete perspectives of hope for our future, whether in South Asia, Europe, or anywhere else in the world.


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Publicado no site do South Asia Democratic Forum: www.sadf.eu
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Para fazer o download da revista Think South Asia 02: http://sadf.eu/home/wp-content/uploads/2012/12/thinksouthasia05.pdf

quarta-feira, 21 de novembro de 2012

os méritos da cooperação - caso da Ásia do Sul

Em baixo publico o artigo que escrevi no terceiro número da revista Think South Asia (9 de Outubro), que edito com o apoio do South Asia Democratic Forum. Principais países em destaque: Maldivas, Bangladesh e Sri Lanka. Mas também há notícias do resto da Ásia do Sul: Índia, Paquistão, Nepal, Butão e Afeganistão. E, ainda, a China e o Myanmar, a antiga Birmânia.
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In this edition of Think South Asia you will find plenty of details on what we are proud to present as the biggest and most important conference ever held on the topic of South Asia in Brussels, under the title, “The Merits of Regional Cooperation: The Case of South Asia” (part II). This important event will take place next 11th of October in the Hotel Sofitel Brussels at Place Jourdan, marking the legislative year of the European Institutions. This will present an amazing opportunity to discuss - with worldwide academic and political experts - and understand some of the most important issues in South Asia, such as Peace and Stability, Economic Cooperation, and Development.
 
Perhaps one of the main expectations of this conference will be the presentation of a study on Education in Bangladesh conducted by Professor N. M. Sajjadul Hoque, from the University of Chittagong. His study is titled, “Reviewing the Education Policy of Bangladesh” and he tries to answer the question, “Is the Present Education Policy Adequate for Countering Terrorism and Religious and Ethnic Intolerance?”. As per his findings, nine out of ten people in Bangladesh believe that Education is an important means to face the challenges of terrorism and religious and ethnic intolerance in Bangladesh, and the overwhelming majority (85%) feel that it is important to incorporate these issues in the New Education Policy of Bangladesh, as well as the educational curriculum and text books/syllabuses “as a matter of priority”. In the end, Professor Hoque outlines some important recommendations for Bangladeshi civil society, the Bangladeshi Government, the International Community in general and the European Union in particular.
 
Yet concerning Bangladesh, we must condemn vehemently the burning of at 10 Buddhist temples and around 2,100 homes last 29th and 30th of September by extremists in Southern Bangladesh. These demonstrations are a reaction to an allegedly insulting image of the Quran posted on Facebook and could be explained when we see the elections coming. In the same vein, we saw also on the 21st of September the burning of a Christian Church in Mardan, Pakistan, by a large mob of extremist Muslims. This happened as a response to the now infamous anti-Islam movie, even if the Christians of Mardan have nothing to do with this film. We must be worried about this phenomena of manipulating mobs to practice violent acts against innocent people who, because of their religion, are treated as scapegoats.
 
As a reflex of this reality, the Blasphemy Law of Pakistan is still in vigour and there are yet no signs of its end: Rimsha Masih, a Christian girl of 11 years old with Down's Syndrome is being held in prison since the 11th of August 2012, accused of burning pages from a booklet used to teach Arabic and the Quran. Under the Pakistan Penal Code, she could receive life in prison. Rimsha joins Asia Bibi and many others that are in prison because of this unjust law, and most of the convicted are Muslim.
 
Some intriguing news is also coming in from the Maldives, where after the coup d’état of March 2012 some turbulent riots took place, culminating in the most recent happenings: on the 2nd of October the Member of Parliament and well-known member of the opposition Mr Afrasheem Ali was stabbed to death near his house; on the 8th of October the former President Mohamed Nasheed was detained and arrested. In addition, four months before the coup d’état, China opened a new embassy in the Maldives. Perhaps it is just a coincidence, perhaps not. It is publicly known that China is carrying out major infrastructure projects in Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Myanmar. Several authors say this is part of a Chinese strategy to encircle India and influence its neighbours. But back to the Maldives, although the current government and some reports don’t recognise there was really a coup d’état, what else can we conclude from these occurrences? Nevertheless, if we want to understand what is going on in these islands, there is nothing better than reading Djan Sauerborn’s country profile about the Maldives in this number of Think South Asia.
 
Very shortly, we will follow carefully the developments of the Free Trade Agreement negotiations between India and the European Union, where we can see the most recent point of tension is the retail market. The entrance of big European retail companies into the Indian market could lower retail prices in India even more but, on the other hand, traditional commerce and small shops would be forced to close in a medium/long run. It will be very interesting to see what develops.
 
Back to Brussels, the former Prime Minister of Nepal, Mr Puspa Kamal Dahal, known as “Prachanda”, will visit the European Parliament in Brussels next 15th of October. Former guerrilla leader and chairman of the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), Prachanda was invited by MEPs Nirj Deva and Jean Lambert. Mrs Jean Lambert is the Chair of the Delegation for relations with the countries of South Asia within the European Parliament and honours us with an interview in this edition, where she speaks of the reconciliation process with the Tamils in Sri Lanka.
 
In the next edition of Think South Asia, we will report the main conclusions of our conference, “The Merits of Regional Cooperation: The Case of South Asia”. If you do not want to wait so long and would instead like to attend, please register and take one of the last seats available by sending us an email to events@sadf.eu or by consulting our website at www.sadf.eu.
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Publicado no site do South Asia Democratic Forum: www.sadf.eu
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Para fazer o download da revista Think South Asia 03: http://sadf.eu/docs/thinksouthasia03.pdf

11 anos depois do 11 de Setembro

Editorial que escrevi no segundo número da revista Think South Asia, que edito com o apoio do South Asia Democratic Forum, assinalando os 11 anos do 11 de Setembro:
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Most people remember exactly where they were when two planes crashed against the Twin Towers of the World Trade Centre (WTC) in New York City, USA. I personally was on vacation and after I had heard a plane had crashed into the WTC, I saw live on television the second plane hitting the WTC, the third one hitting the Pentagon and of course news of the fourth plane crashing into the Pennsylvania countryside. I saw humanity falling down driven by greed, hate and extreme fanaticism.
Today we pin the date 9/11, eleven years after the tragedy. Back in 2001, training camps of Al-Qaeda were mainly in Afghanistan and the Taliban regime harboured these terrorists and all their facilities, while they ruled the Afghani people (and women in an oppressive special way) with tyranny. Western societies felt no option but to forcefully intervene in the faraway lands of Afghanistan. That story we know. But...what happened in the meantime what happens in the future?
 
In this 9/11 special edition of “Think South Asia” we hope you will gain an overall perspective on this issue as presented from different personalities and experts. We have the honour of presenting former Afghani Minister of Women’s Affairs (2004-06) Doctor Massouda Jalal’s in-depth interview, where she outlines the biggest threats and opportunities in Afghanistan and how Afghani women deserve to play an essential role in its future. Madame Ambassador Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović from NATO also gives us a most lucid interview which is not to be missed, where she reminds us that “The attacks of September 11, 2001 were not only against the United States, but against the principles and values shared by a global community of democratic nations”. The Executive Director of SADF, Mr. Paulo Casaca, shows us how we should be worried about the possibility of the Taliban being back in power in Afghanistan, while Doctor Siegfried Wolf from the University of Heidelberg calls our attention to China’s potential interests in all of this.
 
Without listing anymore reasons to read carefully this special edition of Think South Asia, I should end this note saying that I am happy to count on Mr Pedro Guerra’s country profile of Afghanistan and on Ms Anne Flanagan (last but not least) who gave us precious help with the English editing of the texts and many details which don’t appear but make all the difference. If by any chance there is a mistake, that is of course – and as always – the Editor’s fault. Nevertheless, I thank all of our contributors and the Think South Asia team for doing everything to honour the memory of this 9/11 day.
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Para fazer o download da revista Think South Asia 02: http://sadf.eu/thinksouthasia02.pdf